Language and intelligence relationship

language and intelligence relationship

Double dissociation. Language ability Intelligence. Low High Feral children, Genie,. Chelsea, aphasics, SLI. High Low Savants, Williams Syndrome. abilities which are usually called "Language Aptitude". What is clear is that there is a very close relationship between intelligence and acquisition. According to. The correlation between IQ and job performance is higher in more mentally Language gives us the ability communicate our intelligence to others by talking.

The Future of Children, 7 255— Intellectual impairment and blood lead levels [Letter to the editor]. The New England Journal of Medicine, 5 Both of these factors can slow brain development and reduce intelligence. If impoverished environments can harm intelligence, we might wonder whether enriched environments can improve it. Government-funded after-school programs such as Head Start are designed to help children learn.

Development, public policy and practice. Child psychology in practice 5th ed. American Psychologist, 52 10— Long-term effects of an early childhood intervention on educational achievement and juvenile arrest: A year follow-up of low-income children in public schools.

Journal of the American Medical Association, 18— How much does schooling influence general intelligence and its cognitive components? A reassessment of the evidence. Developmental Psychology, 27 5— In part this correlation may be due to the fact that people with higher IQ scores enjoy taking classes more than people with low IQ scores, and they thus are more likely to stay in school.

But education also has a causal effect on IQ. Cohort effects in cognitive development of children as revealed by cross-sectional sequences. Developmental Psychology, 1 2—; Ceci, S. Schooling, intelligence, and income. Environmental input and cognitive growth: A study using time-period comparisons. Child Development, 69 4— It is important to remember that the relative roles of nature and nurture can never be completely separated.

A child who has higher than average intelligence will be treated differently than a child who has lower than average intelligence, and these differences in behaviors will likely amplify initial differences. This means that modest genetic differences can be multiplied into big differences over time.

Psychology in Everyday Life: Emotional Intelligence Although most psychologists have considered intelligence a cognitive ability, people also use their emotions to help them solve problems and relate effectively to others. The wisdom in feeling: Psychological processes in emotional intelligence. Guilford Press; Mayer, J. Models of emotional intelligence.

Working with emotional intelligence. New ability or eclectic traits. American Psychologist, 63 6—; Petrides, K. On the dimensional structure of emotional intelligence. Personality and Individual Differences, 29, — What mood s might be helpful to feel when meeting in-laws for the very first time?

Tom felt anxious and became a bit stressed when he thought about all the work he needed to do. Contempt most closely combines which two emotions? She was feeling peaceful and content. How well would each of the following actions help her preserve her good mood? She started to make a list of things at home that she needed to do.

language and intelligence relationship

She began thinking about where and when she would go on her next vacation. She decided it was best to ignore the feeling since it wouldn't last anyway. Intelligence, 37 194— A comprehensive meta-analysis of the relationship between emotional intelligence and health. Personality and Individual Differences, 49 6— Emotional intelligence and transformational and transactional leadership: Furthermore, other researchers have questioned the construct validity of the measures, arguing that emotional intelligence really measures knowledge about what emotions are, but not necessarily how to use those emotions Brody, ,Brody, N.

What cognitive intelligence is and what emotional intelligence is not. Psychological Inquiry, 15, — Some historical and scientific issues related to research on emotional intelligence.

language and intelligence relationship

Journal of Organizational Behavior, 26, — Although measures of the ability to understand, experience, and manage emotions may not predict effective behaviors, another important aspect of emotional intelligence—emotion regulation—does.

Research has found that people who are better able to override their impulses to seek immediate gratification and who are less impulsive also have higher cognitive and social intelligence. They have better SAT scores, are rated by their friends as more socially adept, and cope with frustration and stress better than those with less skill at emotion regulation Ayduk et al. Regulating the interpersonal self: Strategic self-regulation for coping with rejection sensitivity.

Predicting cognitive control from preschool to late adolescence and young adulthood. Psychological Science, 17 6—; Mischel, W. Willpower in a cognitive-affective processing system: The dynamics of delay of gratification.

Because emotional intelligence seems so important, many school systems have designed programs to teach it to their students. Educational policy on emotional intelligence: Does it make sense? Educational Psychology Review, 12 2— Key Takeaways Intelligence is the ability to think, to learn from experience, to solve problems, and to adapt to new situations.

Intelligence is important because it has an impact on many human behaviors. Psychologists believe that there is a construct that accounts for the overall differences in intelligence among people, known as general intelligence g.

There is also evidence for specific intelligences smeasures of specific skills in narrow domains, including creativity and practical intelligence.

The intelligence quotient IQ is a measure of intelligence that is adjusted for age. Brain volume, speed of neural transmission, and working memory capacity are related to IQ. Intelligence is improved by education and may be hindered by environmental factors such as poverty.

People who are better able to regulate their behaviors and emotions are also more successful in their personal and social encounters. Are you smarter than the average person? What specific intelligences do you think you excel in? Did your parents try to improve your intelligence? Do you think their efforts were successful?

Consider the meaning of the Flynn effect.

Early language and intelligence development and their relationship to future criminal behavior.

Do you think people are really getting smarter? Give some examples of how emotional intelligence or the lack of it influences your everyday life and the lives of other people you know. Consider and comment on the meaning of biological and environmental explanations for gender and racial differences in IQ. Define stereotype threat and explain how it might influence scores on intelligence tests.

Intelligence is defined by the culture in which it exists. Most people in Western cultures tend to agree with the idea that intelligence is an important personality variable that should be admired in those who have it. What is indigenous to India and what is shared?

Cambridge University Press; Sternberg, R. And in some cultures, such as the United States, it is seen as unfair and prejudicial to argue, even at a scholarly conference, that men and women might have different abilities in domains such as math and science and that these differences might be caused by genetics even though, as we have seen, a great deal of intelligence is determined by genetics. In short, although psychological tests accurately measure intelligence, it is cultures that interpret the meanings of those tests and determine how people with differing levels of intelligence are treated.

Retardation and Giftedness The results of studies assessing the measurement of intelligence show that IQ is distributed in the population in the form of a normal distribution or bell curve The pattern of scores usually observed in a variable that clusters around its average.

In a normal distribution, the bulk of the scores fall toward the middle, with many fewer scores falling at the extremes. The normal distribution of intelligence Figure 9. A role for the X chromosome in sex differences in variability in general intelligence? Perspectives on Psychological Science, 4 6— Boys are about five times more likely to be diagnosed with the reading disability dyslexia than are girls Halpern, ,Halpern, D.

Sex differences in cognitive abilities 2nd ed. Extremely Low Intelligence One end of the distribution of intelligence scores is defined by people with very low IQ. Mental retardation A generalized disorder mostly found in males, ascribed to those who have an IQ below 70, who have experienced deficits since childhood, and who have trouble with basic life skills, such as dressing and feeding oneself and communicating with others.

What is mental retardation? Ideas for an evolving disability in the 21st century. American Association on Mental Retardation. Credulity and gullibility in people with developmental disorders: A framework for future research. Mental retardation is divided into four categories: Severe and profound mental retardation is usually caused by genetic mutations or accidents during birth, whereas mild forms have both genetic and environmental influences. One cause of mental retardation is Down syndrome A chromosomal disorder leading to mental retardation and caused by the presence of all or part of an extra 21st chromosome.

The incidence of Down syndrome is estimated at 1 per to 1, births, although its prevalence rises sharply in those born to older mothers. People with Down syndrome typically exhibit a distinctive pattern of physical features, including a flat nose, upwardly slanted eyes, a protruding tongue, and a short neck.

Laws such as the Americans with Disabilities Act ADA have made it illegal to discriminate on the basis of mental and physical disability, and there has been a trend to bring the mentally retarded out of institutions and into our workplaces and schools. In the U. Extremely High Intelligence Having extremely high IQ is clearly less of a problem than having extremely low IQ, but there may also be challenges to being particularly smart. Genetic studies of genius: The gifted group at mid-life Vol.

This study found, first, that these students were not unhealthy or poorly adjusted but rather were above average in physical health and were taller and heavier than individuals in the general population. The students also had above average social relationships—for instance, being less likely to divorce than the average person Seagoe, Terman and the gifted.

These numbers are all considerably higher than what would have been expected from a more general population. Study of mathematically precocious youth after 35 years: Uncovering antecedents for the development of math-science expertise.

Perspectives on Psychological Science, 1 4— As you might expect based on our discussion of intelligence, kids who are gifted have higher scores on general intelligence g. But there are also different types of giftedness. Some children are particularly good at math or science, some at automobile repair or carpentry, some at music or art, some at sports or leadership, and so on. Meeting the academic and social needs of students.

These claims, and the responses they provoked, provide another example of how cultural interpretations of the meanings of IQ can create disagreements and even guide public policy. The fact that women earn many fewer degrees in the hard sciences than do men is not debatable as shown in Figure 9. National Science Foundation The gender similarities hypothesis.

American Psychologist, 60 6— On the other hand, it is possible that the differences are due to variability in intelligence, because more men than women have very high as well as very low intelligence. Perhaps success in the mathematical and physical sciences requires very high IQ, and this favors men. There are also observed sex differences on some particular types of tasks. Women tend to do better than men on some verbal tasks, including spelling, writing, and pronouncing words Halpern et al.

The science of sex differences in science and mathematics. Psychological Science in the Public Interest, 8 11— A meta-analytic review of sex differences in facial expression processing and their development in infants, children, and adolescents.

Psychological Bulletin, 3— On average, men do better than women on tasks requiring spatial ability, such as the mental rotation tasks shown in Figure 9.

Magnitude of sex differences in spatial abilities: A meta-analysis and consideration of critical variables. Psychological Bulletin, 2— Boys tend to do better than girls on both geography and geometry tasks Vogel, Asia and Europe top in world, but reasons are hard to find. It must come from a sort of inner environment--an inner something-or-other that is structured in such a way that the surrogate actions it favors are more often than not the very actions the real world would also bless, if they were actually performed.

In short, the inner environment, whatever it is, must contain lots of information about the outer environment and its regularities. Nothing else except magic could provide preselection worth having. Now here we must be very careful not to think of this inner environment as simply a replica of the outer world, with all its physical contingencies reproduced.

In such a miraculous toy world, the little hot stove in your head would be hot enough to actually burn the little finger in your head that you placed on it!

We have now reached the story of the Tower on which I want to build. Once we get to Popperian creatures, creatures whose brains have the potential to be shaped into inner environments with preselective prowess, what happens next? How does new information about the outer environment get incorporated into these brains? This is where earlier design decisions--and in particular, choices between Need to Know and Commando Team--come back to haunt the designer; for if a particular species' brain design has already gone down the Need to Know path with regard to some control problem, only minor modifications fine tuning, you might say can be readily made to the existing structures, so the only hope of making a major revision of the internal environment to account for new problems, new features of the external environment that matter, is to submerge the old hard-wiring under a new layer of pre-emptive control a theme developed in the work of the AI researcher Rodney Brooks.

It is these higher levels of control that have the potential for vast increases in versatility. And it is at these levels in particular, that we should look for the role of language when it finally arrives on the scenein turning our brains into virtuoso pre-selectors.

We engage in our share of rather mindless routine behavior, but our important acts are often directed on the world with incredible cunning, composing projects exquisitely designed under the influence of vast libraries of information about the world. The instinctual actions we share with other species show the benefits derived by the harrowing explorations of our ancestors. The imitative actions we share with some higher animals may show the benefits of information gathered not just by our ancestors, but also by our social groups over generations, transmitted non-genetically by a "tradition" of imitation.

But our more deliberatively planned acts show the benefits of information gathered and transmitted by our conspecifics in every culture, including, moreover, items of information that no single individual has embodied or understood in any sense. And while some of this information may be of rather ancient acquisition, much of it is brand new.

When comparing the time scales of genetic and cultural evolution, it is useful to bear in mind that we here today--every one of us--can easily understand many ideas that were simply unthinkable by the geniuses in our grandparents' generation! The successors to mere Popperian creatures are those whose inner environments are informed by the designed portions of the outer environment. We may call this sub-sub-subset of Darwinian creatures Gregorian creatures, since Richard Gregory, the first speaker in this series, is to my mind the pre-eminent theorist of the role of information--or more exactly, what Gregory calls Potential Intelligence--in the creation of Smart Moves--or what Gregory calls Kinetic Intelligence.

Gregory observes that a pair of scissors, as a well-designed artifact, is not just a result of intelligence, but an endower of intelligence external potential intelligencein a very straightforward and intuitive sense: Anthropologists have long recognized that the advent of tool use accompanied a major increase in intelligence.

Our fascination with the discovery that chimpanzees in the wild fish for termites with crudely prepared fishing sticks is not misplaced. This fact takes on further significance when we learn that not all chimpanzees have hit upon this trick; in some chimpanzee "cultures" termites are a present but unexploited food source.

This reminds us that tool use is a two-way sign of intelligence; not only does it require intelligence to recognize and maintain a tool let alone fabricate onebut it confers intelligence on those who are lucky enough to be given the tool. The better designed the tool, the more information is embedded in its fabrication, the more potential intelligence it confers on its user.

And among the pre-eminent tools, Gregory reminds us, are what he calls mind-tools: What happens to a human or hominid brain when it becomes equipped with words?

I have arrived, finally, back at the question with which I began. What words do to us There are two related mistakes that are perennially tempting to theorists thinking about the evolution of language and thinking. The first is to suppose that the manifest benefits of communication to humanity the group, or the species might themselves explain the evolution of language.

The default supposition of evolutionary theory must be that individuals are initially competitive, not cooperative, and while this default can be most interestingly overridden by special conditions, the burden is always to demonstrate the existence of the special conditions. The second mistake is to suppose that mind-tools--words, ideas, techniques--that were not "good for us" would not survive the competition.

The best detailed discussion I know of the problem of designing communication under the constraint of competitive communicators is by the last speaker in this series, Dan Sperber, and his co-author Deirdre Wilson, in their excellent book, Relevance: One upshot of the considerations raised by these thinkers is that one may usefully think of words--the most effective vehicles for memes--as invading or parasitizing a brain, not simply being acquired by a brain.

Endnote 5 What is the shape of this environment when words first enter it? It is definitely not an even playing field or a tabula rasa.

Our newfound words must anchor themselves on the hills and valleys of a landscape of considerable complexity.

language and intelligence relationship

Thanks to earlier evolutionary pressures, our innate quality spaces are species-specific, narcissistic, and even idiosyncratic from individual to individual. A number of investigators are currently exploring portions of this terrain.

The psychologist Frank Keil and his colleagues at Cornell have evidence that certain highly abstract concepts--such as the concepts of being alive or ownership, for instance--have a genetically imposed head start in the young child's kit of mind-tools; when the specific words for owning, giving and taking, keeping and hiding, and their kin enter a child's brain, they find homes already partially built for them.

Ray Jackendoff and other linguists have identified fundamental structures of spatial representation--notably designed to enhance the control of locomotion and the placement of movable things--that underlie our intuitions about concepts like beside, on, behind, and their kin. Nicholas Humphrey has argued in recent years that there must be a genetic predisposition for adopting what I have called the intentional stance, and Alan Leslie and others have developed evidence for this, in the form of what he calls a "theory of mind module" designed to generate second-order beliefs beliefs about the beliefs and other mental states of others.

Some autistic children seem to be well-described as suffering from the disabling of this module, for which they can occasionally make interesting compensatory adjustments. We are only just beginning to discern the details of the interactions between such pre-existing information structures and the arrival of language, so theorists who have opportunistically ignored the phenomenon up till now have nothing to apologize for. The time has come, however, to change tactics. In Artificial Intelligence, for instance, even the most ambitiously realistic systems--such as Soar, the star of Allen Newell's Unified Theories of Cognition --are described without so much as a hint about which features, if any, are dependent on the system's having acquired a natural language with which to supplement its native representational facilities.

Endnote 6 The result is that most AI agents, the robotic as well as the bed-ridden, are designed on the model of the walking encyclopedia, as if all the information in the inner environment were in the form of facts told at one time or another to the system. Endnote 7 And in the philosophy of mind, there is a similar tradition of theory-construction and debate about the nature of belief, desire and intention--philosophical "theories of mental representation"--fed on a diet exclusively drawn from language-infected cognitive states.

Endnote 8 Tom believes that snow is white. Do polar bears believe that snow is white? In the same sense? Supposing one might develop a good general theory of belief by looking exclusively at such specialized examples is like supposing one might develop a good general theory of motor control by looking exclusively at examples of people driving automobiles in city traffic. What words do for us John Holland, a pioneer researcher on genetic algorithms, has recently summarized the powers of the Popperian internal environment, adding a nice wrinkle.

An internal model allows a system to look ahead to the future consequences of current actions, without actually committing itself to those actions. In particular, the system can avoid acts that would set it irretrievably down some road to future disaster "stepping off a cliff".

Less dramatically, but equally important, the model enables the agent to make current "stage-setting" moves that set up later moves that are obviously advantageous. The very essence of a competitive advantage, whether it be in chess or economics, is the discovery and execution of stage-setting moves.

But how intricate and long-range can the "stage-setting" look-ahead be without the intervention of language to help control the manipulation of the model? This is the relevance of my question at the outset about the chimp's capacities to visualize a novel scene.

As Merlin Donald points out in his thought-provoking book p. Long trains of thought have to be controlled, or they will wander off into delicious if futile woolgathering. These authors suggest, plausibly, that the self-exhortations and reminders made possible by language are actually essential to maintaining the sorts of long-term projects only we human beings engage in unless, like the beaver, we have a built-in specialist for completing a particular long term project.

Merlin Donald resists this plausible conjecture, and offers a variety of grounds for believing that the sorts of thinking that we can engage in without language are remarkably sophisticated. I commend his argument to your attention in spite of the doubts about it I will now briefly raise.

Donald's argument depends heavily on two sources of information, both problematic in my opinion.

Early language and intelligence development and their relationship to future criminal behavior.

First, he makes strong claims about the capabilities of those congenitally Deaf human beings who have not yet developed so far as anyone can tell any natural language--in particular, signing.

Second, he draws our attention to the amazing case of Brother John, a French Canadian monk who suffers from frequent epileptic seizures that do not render him unconscious or immobile, but just totally aphasic, for periods of a few minutes or hours. During these paroxysms of aphasia, we are told, Brother John had no language, either external or internal.

That is, he could neither comprehend nor produce words of his native tongue, not even "to himself". Endnote 9 At the same time, Brother John can "still record the episodes of life, assess events, assign meanings and thematic roles to agents in various situations, acquire and execute complex skills, learn and remember how to behave in a variety of settings.

The Role of Language in Intelligence

My doubts about the use to which Donald wants to put these findings are straightforward, and should be readily resolvable in time: In the case of Brother John, his performance during aphasic paroxysm relies, as Lecours and Joanette note, on "language-mediated apprenticeships". Brother John maintains, for instance, that he need not tell himself the words "tape recorder," "magnetic tape," "red button on the left," "turn," "push" and so forth.

Roche Lecours and Joanette, p.

Relation between high intelligence & language learning and a hypothetical reason to question it

The evidence that Donald adduces for the powers of language-less thought is thus potentially misleading. These varieties of language-less thought, like barefoot waterskiing, may be possible only for brief periods, and only after a preparatory period that includes the very feature whose absence is later so striking.

There are indirect ways of testing the hypotheses implied by these doubts. Consider episodic memory, for instance. When a dog retrieves a bone it has buried, it manifests an effect on its memory, but must the dog, in retrieving the bone, actually recollect the episode of burying? Perhaps you can name the current U. Secretary of State, but can you recall the occasion of learning his name?

The capacity for genuine episodic recollecting--as opposed to semantic memory installed by a single episode of learning--is in need of careful analysis and investigation.

Donald follows Jane Goodall in claiming that chimpanzees in the wild are "able to perceive social events accurately and to remember them" p. But we have not really been given any evidence from which this strong thesis follows; the social perspicuity of the chimpanzees might be largely due to specialized perceptual talents interacting with specialized signs--suppose, for instance, that there is something subtle about the posture of a subordinate facing a superior that instantly--visually--tells an observer chimp but not an human observer which is subordinate, and how much.

Experiments that would demonstrate a genuine capacity for episodic memory in chimpanzees would have to involve circumstances in which a episode was observed or experienced, but in which its relevance as a premise for some social inference was not yet determined--so no "inference" could be drawn at once.

If something that transpired later suddenly gave a retrospective relevance to the earlier episode, and if a chimpanzee can tumble to that fact, this would be evidence--but not yet conclusive evidence--of episodic memory. Another way of testing for episodic memory in the absence of language would be to let a chimpanzee observe--once--a relatively novel and elaborate behavioral sequence that accomplishes some end e. It is not that there is any doubt that chimpanzee brain tissue is capable of storing this much information--it can obviously store vastly more than is required for such a simple feat--but whether the chimpanzee can exploit this storage medium in such an adaptive way on short notice.

And that is the sort of question that no amount of microscopic brain-study is going to shed much light on. The art of making mistakes: There is one more embodiment of this wonderful idea, and it is the one that gives our minds their greatest power: All the other varieties of generate-and-test are willy-nilly. The soliloquy that accompanies the errors committed by the lowliest Skinnerian creature might be "Well, I mustn't do that again!

In order to learn from them, one has to be able to contemplate them, and this is no small matter. Life rushes on, and unless one has developed positive strategies for recording one's tracks, the task known in AI as credit assignment also, known, of course, as blame assignment! The advent of high-speed still photography was a revolutionary technological advance for science because it permitted human beings, for the first time, to examine complicated temporal phenomena not in real time, but in their own good time--in leisurely, methodical backtracking analysis of the traces they had created of those complicated events.

Here a technological advance carried in its wake a huge enhancement in cognitive power. The advent of language was an exactly parallel boon for human beings, a technology that created a whole new class of objects-to-contemplate, verbally embodied surrogates that could be reviewed in any order at any pace. And this opened up a new dimension of self-improvement--all one had to do was to learn to savor one's own mistakes. But science is not just a matter of making mistakes, but of making mistakes in public.

Making mistakes for all to see, in the hopes of getting the others to help with the corrections. It has been plausibly maintained, by Nicholas Humphrey, David Premack and others, that chimpanzees are natural psychologists--what I would call second-order intentional systems--but if they are, they nevertheless lack a crucial feature shared by all human natural psychologists, folk and professional varieties: They never dispute over attributions, and ask for the grounds for each others' conclusions.

No wonder their comprehension is so limited. Ours would be, too, if we had to generate it all on our own. Our human brains, and only human brains, have been armed by habits and methods, mind-tools and information, drawn from millions of other brains to which we are not genetically related.

This, amplified by the deliberate use of generate-and-test in science, puts our minds on a different plane from the minds of our nearest relatives among the animals. This species-specific process of enhancement has become so swift and powerful that a single generation of its design improvements can now dwarf the R-and-D efforts of millions of years of evolution by natural selection. So while we cannot rule out the possibility in principle that our minds will be cognitively closed to some domain or other, no good "naturalistic" reason to believe this can be discovered in our animal origins.

On the contrary, a proper application of Darwinian thinking suggests that if we survive our current self-induced environmental crises, our capacity to comprehend will continue to grow by increments that are now incomprehensible to us. William Calvin,The Ascent of Mind: Jared Diamond,The Third Chimpanzee: David Premack,Gavagai!