Rise of Joseph Stalin - Wikipedia
Trotsky's Stalin> · stalinbookFull Photo: WellRed BooksThe relationship between individual psychology and. A detailed account of the struggle that took place between Joseph Stalin and Leon economic domain, and especially in the domain of internal Party, relations. Leon Trotsky, a leader of the Bolshevik revolution and early architect of the Soviet state, is deported by Soviet leader Joseph Stalin to Alma-Ata in remote Soviet Central Asia. He lived there in internal exile for a year before being banished from the USSR forever by Stalin.
Split with Lenin — [ edit ] In the meantime, after a period of secret police repression and internal confusion that followed the First Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party inIskra succeeded in convening the party's Second Congress in London in August Trotsky and other Iskra editors attended.
The first congress went as planned, with Iskra supporters handily defeating the few "economist" delegates. Then the congress discussed the position of the Jewish Bundwhich had co-founded the RSDLP in but wanted to remain autonomous within the party. Lenin and his supporters, the Bolsheviks, argued for a smaller but highly organized party, while Martov and his supporters, the Mensheviksargued for a larger and less disciplined party.
In a surprise development, Trotsky and most of the Iskra editors supported Martov and the Mensheviks, while Plekhanov supported Lenin and the Bolsheviks. During andmany members changed sides in the factions.
Plekhanov soon parted ways with the Bolsheviks.
Trotsky left the Mensheviks in September over their insistence on an alliance with Russian liberals and their opposition to a reconciliation with Lenin and the Bolsheviks. He worked between and trying to reconcile different groups within the party, which resulted in many clashes with Lenin and other prominent party members. Trotsky later maintained that he had been wrong in opposing Lenin on the issue of the party.
During these years, Trotsky began developing his theory of permanent revolutionand developed a close working relationship with Alexander Parvus in — This single strike grew into a general strike and by 7 Januarythere werestrikers in Saint Petersburg.
The Palace Guard fired on the peaceful demonstration, resulting in the deaths of some 1, demonstrators. Sunday, 9 Januarybecame known as Bloody Sunday. There he worked with both Bolsheviks, such as Central Committee member Leonid Krasinand the local Menshevik committee, which he pushed in a more radical direction.
Stalin banishes Trotsky - HISTORY
The latter, however, were betrayed by a secret police agent in May, and Trotsky had to flee to rural Finland. There he worked on fleshing out his theory of permanent revolution.
By the evening of 24 September, the workers at 50 other printing shops in Moscow were also on strike. On 2 Octoberthe typesetters in printing shops in Saint Petersburg decided to strike in support of the Moscow strikers. On 7 Octoberthe railway workers of the Moscow—Kazan Railway went out on strike. Trotsky also co-founded, together with Parvus and Julius Martov and other Mensheviks, Nachalo "The Beginning"which also proved to be a very successful newspaper in the revolutionary atmosphere of Saint Petersburg in Khrustalyev-Nosar had been a compromise figure when elected as the head of the Saint Petersburg Soviet.
Khrustalev-Nosar was a lawyer that stood above the political factions contained in the Soviet. Khrustalev-Nosar became famous in his position as spokesman for the Saint Petersburg Soviet.
He did much of the actual work at the Soviet and, after Khrustalev-Nosar's arrest on 26 Novemberwas elected its chairman. On 2 December, the Soviet issued a proclamation which included the following statement about the Tsarist government and its foreign debts: We have therefore decided not to allow the repayment of such loans as have been made by the Tsarist government when openly engaged in a war with the entire people.
The following day, the Soviet was surrounded by troops loyal to the government and the deputies were arrested. On 4 October he was convicted and sentenced to internal exile to Siberia. In October, he moved to ViennaAustria-Hungary. For the next seven years, he often took part in the activities of the Austrian Social Democratic Party and, occasionally, of the German Social Democratic Party.
It was smuggled into Russia. Both the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks split multiple times after the failure of the — revolution. Money was very scarce for publication of Pravda. Trotsky approached the Russian Central Committee to seek financial backing for the newspaper throughout Lenin agreed to the financing of Pravda, but required a Bolshevik be appointed as co-editor of the paper.
Lev KamenevTrotsky's brother-in-law, was added to the editorial board from the Bolsheviks, but the unification attempts failed in August Kamenev resigned from the board amid mutual recriminations. Trotsky continued publishing Pravda for another two years until it finally folded in April Trotsky was so upset by what he saw as a usurpation of his newspaper's name that in April he wrote a letter to Nikolay Chkheidzea Menshevik leader, bitterly denouncing Lenin and the Bolsheviks.
Though he quickly got over the disagreement, the letter was intercepted by the Russian police, and a copy was put into their archives. Shortly after Lenin's death inthe letter was found and publicized by Trotsky's opponents within the Communist Party to portray him as Lenin's enemy.
The most serious disagreement that Trotsky and the Mensheviks had with Lenin at the time was over the issue of "expropriations",  i. These actions had been banned by the 5th Congress, but were continued by the Bolsheviks. The Congress was unmoved. It promptly took steps to discipline the Russian Troskyites, as well as dissidents in the other parties of the Comintern.
In the autumn of Trotsky published The Lessons of October, in which he distinguished between objectively revolutionary situations and subjective failures of revolutionary leaders in such situations. As illustrations oft he latter, he cited Zinoviev's and Kamenev's opposition to Lenin's decision to launch an armed uprising in the fall of thus reopening an extremely ugly wound--and he also implied that Zinoviev was largely responsible for the failure of the German Communist revolt of Trotsky restated his old theory of "permanent revolution," with its emphasis on the world leadership of the proletariat and its implicit challenge to the Leninist position on the role of the poor peasantry in building socialism.
Trotsky had made a tactical error. By his emphasis on "October" he opened the way for Zinoviev and Kamenev to retaliate by reminding the Party again of Trotsky's sharp disagreements with Lenin prior to Stalin's caution had reaped its reward. Since he was not directly drawn into this controversy, he was in a position to make public statements in November which in effect forgave Zinoviev and Kamenev for their earlier mistakes--he even acknowledged some of his own--but forcefully recalled to his hearers the fact that Trotsky was, after all, a newcomer in Party ranks.
He set forth a theoretical position of his own from which he could challenge Trotsky. A few months later, in Problems of Leninism, he advanced his theory of "Socialism in one country. If the Russian Communists were not to be indefinitely bogged down in the NEP state, they must push on to socialism, even if the world revolution was still further delayed.
Authority for such an effort could be found in Lenin. Like Lenin, Trotsky believed the building of socialism could begin in Russia alone. But what Stalin did was to assert that it could be completed with success and to furnish reasons for his contention. Russia was an enormous country, rich in natural resources.
Provided that "capitalist" intervention was not renewed, the Russian proletariat, drawing on Russia's great potential wealth and protected by its vast spaces, could accomplish the task. For a time, however, the theory of "socialism in one country" was overshadowed by the acrimonious personal struggle between Trotsky and the two most prominent triumvirs.
In January the Central Committee removed Trotsky from the War Commissariat, even though he remained in uneasy possession of a seat on the Politburo. This was the decisive blow. Although he was still not completely crushed, Trotsky receded to the background.
Relationship between Stalin, Trotsky and Stalin by Onijini Karimu on Prezi
If he had been another kind of man, he might have tried to use the Red Army against his adversaries, but his loyalty to the Party was paramount, and he accepted his deposition without trying to resist. Although Trotsky was defeated, Zinoviev and Kamenev soon discovered that the victory was not theirs. In March the Fourteenth Conference of the Party accepted Stalin's theory of "socialism in one country," while Zinoviev and Kamenev paid little attention.
Soon afterward Stalin was able to break up the triumvirate quietly.
Too late Zinoviev and Kamenev attacked Stalin's new theory. By the middle of he had found new allies in Bukharin, Rykov, and Tomsky, who accepted "socialism in one country. Tomsky was the leader of the Soviet trade-unions. Bukharin, the "Left" Communist ofwas now, like Rykov and Tomsky, on the "right" and the leader of those who felt that the NEP was a success, and while indeed socialism might be built in Russia, the ground was secure and there was no great need for haste.
Zinoviev and Kamenev, on the contrary, were profoundly uneasy about the continuation of the NEP, but they had been abruptly thrust into the minority. In the autumn of Zinoviev published his Leninism, attacking NEP as a policy of "continuous retreat," and demanded a renewal of the "policy of " directed against the kulak.
Zinoviev managed to use his position in Leningrad to rally the powerful Party organization there to is support, in opposition to the new Politburo majority. Zinoviev and Kamenev tardily recognized Stalin as the man from whom they had most to fear and carefully prepared an attack on him for the XIV Party Congress, to be held in December However, the plan completely miscarried. Kamenev, who spoke most sharply in criticism of Stalin at the Congress, was punished by demotion from full member to candidate member of the Politburo.
As reconstituted just after the Congress, the Politburo had three new full members: Molotov, Voroshilov, and Kalinin, all loyal henchmen of Stalin's. Stalin also added several supporters to the list of candidate members of the Politburo and to the newly enlarged Central Committee. Shortly before, Voroshilov had replaced Michael Frunze, who had been named Trotsky's successor but had died soon afterward, as war commissar.
Stalin had established a formidable position of strength within both Party and government. Leningrad remained the only stronghold of resistance, and Stalin followed up his victory at the XIV Congress by sending Sergei Kirov to replace Zinoviev as Party leader there, ordering him to clean out the opposition.
Only then, in the spring ofwhen the supporters of all three had been scattered, did Zinoviev and Kamenev make common cause with Trotsky.
Stalin's reaction was, "Ah, they have granted themselves a mutual amnesty"--since a few short months earlier they had been bitterly attacking each other. The three were united enough in their opposition to continuance of the NEP and the "alliance with the middle peasantry" on which it was based; but their past personal antagonisms made their alliance an uneasy and incongruous one.
Bukharin advised the peasants, "Enrich yourselves,' which was a phrase Guizot had used under the French monarchy of Louis Philippe, whatever Marxist glosses might be given it.
At the XIV Congress Bukharin had set forth the basis on which he accepted Stalin's theory of "socialism in one country": For the time being, however, Stalin was less concerned about policy than with getting rid of his enemies in the Left Opposition led by Zinoviev and Trotsky, which was not hard for him to do. In July Lashevich, a Zinovievite who was Voroshilov's deputy war commissar, was accused for organizing oppositionist groups within the Red Army and was dismissed.
Stalin seized the opportunity to expel Zinoviev from the Politburo. On October 4 all the major opposition leaders replied with a statement admitting violation of Party statutes and pledging disbandment of the opposition, but they could not refrain from repeating their policy criticisms of the Politburo majority. Stalin's reply was to remove Trotsky from the Politburo and Zinoviev from the presidency of the Comintern.
However, lesser figures in the opposition leadership were allowed to recant and to obtain well-publicized rewards fro their submission. At the end of October the Fifteenth Party Conference sanctioned all these maneuvers and applauded Stalin's description of the opposition leaders as "Social Democratic" deviators who were reverting to the line of the Second International.
By the beginning of the Left Opposition had thus lost any immediate hope of success, but its leaders were not yet silenced. Trotsky and his colleagues attacked the Politburo for "Thermidorism, degeneration, Menshevism, betrayal, treachery, kulak-nepman policy against the workers, against the poor peasants, against the Chinese revolution," as the Stalinist writer Popov sums it up. The opposition leaders were able to blame the Politburo majority for a series of foreign setbacks: In an article submitted to Pravda, Trotsky climaxed opposition criticism by calling on his adherents to follow the example of Clemenceau who had opened the way to take over as French premier by attacking his predecessor's failures in World War I in case war engulfed the USSR a prospect taken seriously by the Communists in However, advocating a change of government was dangerous in the Soviet Union.
If, as all good Communists agreed, the existing regime represented the proletariat, then any move to change it was bound to be anti-proletarian and therefore treasonable.
For that reason Stalin promptly engineered the expulsion of Trotsky and Zinoviev from the Central Committee. After the two men led street demonstrations on the tenth anniversary of the October Revolution November 7,they were expelled from the Party. The way was now clear for Stalin to oust the opposition from the Party en masse. The XV Congress, in Decemberdecreed as much. It might have been expected that Stalin's tactics would have drawn his opponents together, but on the contrary, the result was that they were neatly split down the middle.
Trotsky refused to accept the Congress decision and was thereupon exiled to Alma Ata in Central Asia. But Zinoviev and Kamenev submitted and renounced their earlier-stated views. They were permitted to crawl back into the Party. The followers of Trotsky left what they henceforth called "Stalinist" ranks and attempted to build their own parties and organize them into a Fourth International.
The dispute shook and divided the Communist parties throughout the world as no such controversy before or since ever did the immediately ensuing struggle between Stalin and Bukharin had fewer repercussions abroad, for it seemed to center on the peasant, for whom most Communists never had any use. Byhowever, Trotsky and his sympathizers had given up any immediate hope of overcoming Stalin's ascendancy from within the Russian Party.
They declared that a "bureaucracy" had come to power in the USSR, and that it must be eliminated.
This assertion was difficult to explain on Marxist grounds, unless it were to be on the basis of Marx's analysis of Oriental society, and the Trotskyites shrank from that. Since Trotsky continued to believe that a distorted socialism still existed in the USSR, it was also difficult to think of any way through which the Stalinist leadership could be displaced without disturbing the economic foundation.
As a result the Trotskyites had to retreat into a position comparable to that of the prewar Social Democrats, opposing all existing governments and declaring that there could be no basic improvement unless they took power. They never managed to do so anywhere. The rank and file of the world's Communists had little chance to observe the personal differences and antagonisms between Stalin and Trotsky, and supported one or the other on the basis of his theoretical position.
The differences may be briefly formulated thus: Trotsky declared that it was impossible to build socialism in Russia because the peasants did not want it. That it would only be possible to do so if the workers of the West revolted, and he was right. Stalin declared that it was impossible to wait for the Western workers to revolt before building socialism, because they were not likely to revolt in the immediate future.
Therefore socialism could be built in Russia only if the Party used the peasantry, and he was also right. However, that the Western workers were not Communist, Trotsky could never admit. He could only assert that they would be soon.